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Peace as governance[electronic resou...
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Palgrave Connect (Online service)
Peace as governance[electronic resource] :power-sharing, armed groups and contemporary peace negotiations /
紀錄類型:
書目-語言資料,印刷品 : Monograph/item
杜威分類號:
327.1/72
書名/作者:
Peace as governance : power-sharing, armed groups and contemporary peace negotiations // Chandra Lekha Sriram.
作者:
Sriram, Chandra Lekha,
出版者:
Basingstoke [England] ; : Palgrave Macmillan,, 2008.
面頁冊數:
vii, 220 p.
叢書名:
Rethinking peace and conflict studies
標題:
Peace.
標題:
Conflict management.
標題:
Conflict management
ISBN:
9780230582163
ISBN:
0230582168
書目註:
Includes bibliographical references (p. [193]-201) and index.
內容註:
Conflict resolution : power-sharing and other inclusion strategies -- Peacebuilding and conflict resolution in practice -- Sri Lanka : the repeated failure of inclusion incentives -- Sudan : the dangerous collateral effects of inclusion incentives -- Colombia : the limited appeal of inclusionincentives.
摘要、提要註:
In order to end armed conflict, and ensure that it does not recur, numerous tactics are used by national governments, the international community, and others engaged in conflict resolution. These tactics include amnesties, financial rewards, offers of inclusion in structures of power, and threats of reprisal and use of force, among myriad others. There is a thriving debate in the literatureregarding the appropriate tactics and incentives for peace negotiations, as well as the peacebuilding processes promoted by the international community. This book critically analyzes one key set of negotiation incentives used in peace agreements: inclusion of armed groups in structures of power. Though I looselyterm these incentives as b1 spower-sharing b2 s, they are much broader than traditional power-sharing, and rely on explicit institutionalization of the state and the use of state institutions. These negotiation incentives can involve inclusion of previously excluded or outlawed groupsas legitimate political parties, sharing of resources with such groups, inclusion of former combatants in reformed military or police forces, and offers of partial or complete autonomy. This approachislargely used to bring non-state armed groups into negotiations, rather than as leverage on governments themselves. The book, drawing upon studies inSri Lanka, Sudan, and Colombia, demonstrates thelimitations and even dangers of using such strategies.
電子資源:
access to fulltext (Palgrave)
Peace as governance[electronic resource] :power-sharing, armed groups and contemporary peace negotiations /
Sriram, Chandra Lekha,1971-
Peace as governance
power-sharing, armed groups and contemporary peace negotiations /[electronic resource] :Chandra Lekha Sriram. - Basingstoke [England] ;Palgrave Macmillan,2008. - vii, 220 p. - Rethinking peace and conflict studies.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [193]-201) and index.
Conflict resolution : power-sharing and other inclusion strategies -- Peacebuilding and conflict resolution in practice -- Sri Lanka : the repeated failure of inclusion incentives -- Sudan : the dangerous collateral effects of inclusion incentives -- Colombia : the limited appeal of inclusionincentives.
In order to end armed conflict, and ensure that it does not recur, numerous tactics are used by national governments, the international community, and others engaged in conflict resolution. These tactics include amnesties, financial rewards, offers of inclusion in structures of power, and threats of reprisal and use of force, among myriad others. There is a thriving debate in the literatureregarding the appropriate tactics and incentives for peace negotiations, as well as the peacebuilding processes promoted by the international community. This book critically analyzes one key set of negotiation incentives used in peace agreements: inclusion of armed groups in structures of power. Though I looselyterm these incentives as b1 spower-sharing b2 s, they are much broader than traditional power-sharing, and rely on explicit institutionalization of the state and the use of state institutions. These negotiation incentives can involve inclusion of previously excluded or outlawed groupsas legitimate political parties, sharing of resources with such groups, inclusion of former combatants in reformed military or police forces, and offers of partial or complete autonomy. This approachislargely used to bring non-state armed groups into negotiations, rather than as leverage on governments themselves. The book, drawing upon studies inSri Lanka, Sudan, and Colombia, demonstrates thelimitations and even dangers of using such strategies.
Electronic reproduction.
Basingstoke, England :
Palgrave Macmillan,
2009.
Mode of access:World Wide Web.
ISBN: 9780230582163
Standard No.: 10.1057/9780230582163doiSubjects--Topical Terms:
373876
Peace.
Index Terms--Genre/Form:
336502
Electronic books.
LC Class. No.: JZ5595 / .S65 2008eb
Dewey Class. No.: 327.1/72
Peace as governance[electronic resource] :power-sharing, armed groups and contemporary peace negotiations /
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In order to end armed conflict, and ensure that it does not recur, numerous tactics are used by national governments, the international community, and others engaged in conflict resolution. These tactics include amnesties, financial rewards, offers of inclusion in structures of power, and threats of reprisal and use of force, among myriad others. There is a thriving debate in the literatureregarding the appropriate tactics and incentives for peace negotiations, as well as the peacebuilding processes promoted by the international community. This book critically analyzes one key set of negotiation incentives used in peace agreements: inclusion of armed groups in structures of power. Though I looselyterm these incentives as b1 spower-sharing b2 s, they are much broader than traditional power-sharing, and rely on explicit institutionalization of the state and the use of state institutions. These negotiation incentives can involve inclusion of previously excluded or outlawed groupsas legitimate political parties, sharing of resources with such groups, inclusion of former combatants in reformed military or police forces, and offers of partial or complete autonomy. This approachislargely used to bring non-state armed groups into negotiations, rather than as leverage on governments themselves. The book, drawing upon studies inSri Lanka, Sudan, and Colombia, demonstrates thelimitations and even dangers of using such strategies.
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